What is happening in Plateau State and the whole of the Middle Belt, has gone beyond sporadic violence—it is systematic, sustained, and without mincing words, it is dangerously development, better describe as ethnic and territorial cleansing. The tragedy is not just in the killings, but in the predictability of them. Communities are attacked, lives are lost, statements are issued, and then silence follows—until the next cycle. This pattern tells us something deeply troubling: across the board; The Federal, States and Local Governments, the Nigerian state is reacting, not governing. There is no evidence of a proactive security architecture that prioritises prevention over response. At its core, this is a failure of sovereignty. A state that cannot guarantee the safety of its citizens is gradually surrendering its legitimacy.
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Would you say that the Federal Government has done enough to restore peace in the Middle Belt?
No, the Federal Government has not done enough to restore peace in the middle belt. Effort is not the same as effectiveness. Optics cannot replace operations. While there may be deployments, meetings, and directives, the outcomes do not reflect sufficient control of the situation. Peace is not the absence of statements—it is the presence of security, justice, and deterrence. Until perpetrators are consistently apprehended, prosecuted, and punished, what we have is not peace—it is a temporary pause between attacks.
Do you think from the body language of the Federal Government that the issues of insecurity in the North are being taken seriously?
Body language in leadership is powerful. It communicates urgency—or the lack of it. Unfortunately, what many Nigerians perceive is a disconnect between the scale of the crisis and the intensity of response. When citizens are dying and the state appears measured, cautious, or slow, it creates the impression that the crisis is being managed politically, rather than confronted decisively. Seriousness is not declared—it is demonstrated through speed, clarity, and results. Attack after attack, the pattern has been a declaration of seriousness with no action following.
Would you say that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s recent order to Service Chiefs to relocate to Borno State to check terrorist activities in the North East has made much impact?
The directive by Bola Ahmed Tinubu for Service Chiefs to relocate to Borno was symbolically strong—it suggested proximity to the problem. However, symbolism must translate into measurable outcomes. If after such a directive, attacks persist, territories remain vulnerable, and citizens still feel unsafe, then we must ask: was the move strategic or merely performative? Security is not about where commanders sit. It is about intelligence dominance, operational coordination, and political will.
What is your take on the political situation in Benue State with Governor Hyacinth Alia and Senator George Akume, the Secretary of the Government of the Federation (SGF) over the leadership of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the state?
The situation between Hyacinth Alia and George Akume reflects a deeper problem within Nigerian politics. We saw it in Rivers, it is what has destroyed the PDP—the struggle for control over party structures, rather than governance outcomes. When political actors prioritise internal dominance over public service, governance suffers. Benue, like many states in the Middle Belt, is already under severe security pressure. Leadership fragmentation only weakens the state’s capacity to respond effectively. At a time when unity of purpose is required, parallel power centres create confusion and dilute authority.